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August Fischer, 2 , S. Gilbert erkannt, die freilich in ihrer Argumentation zu weit geht In: Modern Language Review 64 , S. Herbert Steiner Frankfurt: S. Wie Dirk O. Februar an seine Schwester. Und Hofmannsthal teilte Strauss am Die Skizze, die Kessler und Hofmannsthal zwischen dem 8. Abgedruckt in Dramen V, S. Und Kesslers Bemerkung in einem Brief vom Februar Mai Sie freut sich auf die Ehe [ Mary E. So verlegte er die Begegnung kurzerhand in den Salon Gilbert Anmerkung 24 , S. Niveau der Opernhandlung stark angehoben wird.
Soweit die Charaktere. So wurden der der Marschallin Maria-Theresia. Pourceaugnac ist pathetisch im komischen Sinn, weil er eine Zielscheibe des Spottes ist. Im Rosenkavalier dehnte er dieses Versteckspiel auch auf manche Nebenfiguren aus. So grob will Er sein? Gilbert Anmerkung 24, S. Bei Hofmannsthal, dessen lyrische Ader und psychologische Finesse von jeher Bewunderung erregten, erwer52 Ebd. II, S. Geronte kompromittiert vor der Hofgesellschaft. Faublas im Travesti meldet sich. Faublas erbleicht. Die Liebenden allein.
Sophie ab zum Vater.
A droite, premier plan, une autre porte. Faublas, qui vient de sortir du lit, est dans sa petite culotte et chemisette de cavalier. Sa robe de nuit est sur un meuble. Und bei Hofmannsthal liest man: Das Schlafzimmer der Feldmarschallin. Neben dem Bett ein dreiteiliger chinesischer Wandschirm, hinter dem Kleider liegen. Auf einem kleinen Sofa links liegt ein Degen in der Scheide. Um wenigstens den Schein des Anstands zu wahren — wie sich sehr bald herausstellen sollte, bei weitem nicht genug, um die moralischen. Je me souviens de ma Sophie. Je la vis si belle! Ich will nicht den Tag! Da haben Dich alle!
Wie der folgende Passus aus einem Brief des Dichters an den Komponisten vom Also [ Wenn man so hinlebt, ist sie rein gar nichts. Aber dann auf einmal. In den Gesichtern rieselt sie, im Spiegel da rieselt sie. Dramen V, S. Et il continua sans regarder sa femme. Hier sehen sich Germanistik und Komparatistik vor eine gemeinsame Aufgabe gestellt. Annina ebenso : Euer Gnaden werden sich schaden [ Juli an den Dichter schrieb. Oktavian [ Sophie [ Sperrst dich ein.
Faninal mit gleichem Spiel zwischen ihr und Oktavian, der immer einen Schritt gegen den Ausgang tut, aber von Sophie in diesem Augenblick nicht loskann : Ah, springst noch aus dem Wagen. Auf Lebenszeit. Wie sich bald herausstellte, war das gar nicht so einfach. Oktavian hat sich gesetzt, sie stehen vor ihm.
Mit Leib und Leben. Mondo rubaldo. Im Hintergrund links ein Alkoven, darin ein Bett. September August und Straussens Antwort vom Das gilt es zu beweisen. Man kann sich vorstellen, wie Hofmannsthals verfeinerter Geschmack auf diesen Edelkitsch reagierte. Beginnen wir mit dem Ingenu libertin. Als er sie sieht, erhebt sich Faublas, wohl mit schuldiger Miene, und entfernt sich ein wenig von Sophie. Doch sobald ihn die Marquise ruft, trennen sich die beiden, und einen Augenblick lang steht Faublas genau in der Mitte zwischen ihnen M F S Sophie macht der Marschallin einen verlegenen Knix.
Oktavian zwischen beiden hin- und herpendeln Aber die letzte Entscheidung ist noch nicht gefallen. So geriet das ganze Libretto in unser Blickfeld. So schrieb Kessler am Hofmannsthal erwiderte am Das eigentliche Publikum verlangt [ Friedrich Nietzsche2. There are surely more than thirteen ways of looking at opera, and any scholar or critic worth his salt is well advised to make up his mind early on as to the kind of approach he wishes to take in a given case. Up to this point in the history of interdisciplinary studies involving the musical drama, theoretical and methodological reflections have been few and far between, and no latter-day Aristotle has come to the rescue to unfold a cogent systematic Poetics of Opera3.
Especially the. Dieter Borchmeyer Frankfurt: Insel-Verlag, , p. It will therefore behoove me to preface my paper with a few observations on the various choices open to the practitioner of Opernforschung in general and its subdivision, librettology, in particular. Needless to say, both Musik- and Literaturwissenschaft err when assuming that either the libretto or the score of an opera can be meaningfully viewed in isolation. An interaction between the two disciplines is absolutely necessary, and an emphasis on one or the other collaborative art at the expense, or to the exclusion, of the other is merely a matter of convenience or professional competence.
Let us illustrate this tripartite and, in the original sense of the word, trivial scheme with a few examples drawn from the literature on Tristan und Isolde. But insofar as chromaticism also subserves a dramatic purpose, even here the literary dimension is not lacking. In short, Wagner, too, seems to treat Tristan und Isolde more or less as a symphonic poem Given the fact that Wagner was an artistic Doppelbegabung of the first order who believed that language and music — the male and female principles — were destined to join hands in marriage, it is hardly surprising that most of the devices he uses, and often introduces, pertain somehow to both spheres of artistic activity and should ideally be judged by those endowed with scholarly Doppelbegabung.
In the 6 The letter was addressed to Franz Brendel and published on 9 September, ; it is reproduced in the Dokumentarbiographie, pp. Berlin: Duncker, , p. Gerhard Schuhmacher Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, , pp. Among the features that enjoy what might be called dual citizenship in the land of opera, the most obvious, and obsessively treated, is the leitmotif. Indeed, in some of its applications it must be regarded as a quasi-literary device transferable to literature Thomas Mann. Jahrhundert, ed. Salmen Regensburg: Bosse, , pp. Since it was intended for performance in the theater, Tristan und Isolde shares certain basic structural features with all plays; hence the option of treating it within a dramaturgical framework, following the examples set by Francis Fergusson14 and Kerman, whose analysis of the paroxysmal cycle experienced by Tristan in Act III is primarily, though not exclusively, structural In fact, thematology as practiced by a long string of critics from Wolfgang Golther to Michael S.
Batts and Egon Voss has long been a staple of Tristan und Isolde criticism The fifth chapter of Michael S. A third road toward the comprehension of Tristan und Isolde as a literary phenomenon — the one, curiously enough, least travelled in the year reception of that masterpiece — is the verbal or linguistic one. The few efforts that have been made to assess the work from this point of view have been largely polemical. The piece. Dietmar Holland Hamburg: Rowohlt, includes several of the essays previously mentioned.
On the lexical level, Wagner, who prided himself on being a perceptive etymologist, excels or, in the eyes of his severest critics, sins in proliferating neologisms, some of which form part of a carefully designed pattern. Syntax is another subject warranting closer scrutiny than has so far been accorded it, for simply to affirm that the text is muddled throughout and an early example of willed unintelligibility is an act of critical cowardice.
A whole. In fact, in dealing with rhetorical figures, I have already arrived at the level of Gehalt, which must now occupy us for a moment. Seeking to discover an integral meaning in Tristan and to determine its underlying Weltanschauung has been the occupation of many Wagnerites, often indulged in with a passion rarely encountered in scholarly pursuits. Since I shall face the philosophical issue head-on in the course of analyzing a central passage from Act II, the only kind of approach I need to deal with at this juncture focuses on the sexual issue.
With respect to the role of sex in Tristan und Isolde, two scholarly factions are at loggerheads with each other, the one upgrading, the other downplaying its importance. All textual references will be to this edition. Except in one potentially significant case, the discrepancies between this version and the one found in vol. Stage directors, take care! Whatever the merits of this assessment, the analysis fails to take into account that the text is not strictly Christian and that Tristan und Isolde aims not at renunciation but at fulfillment.
Depending on the mood of the moment and, one guesses, his readings of the day, he planned at different times to end his drama in different ways. Ils sont ensemble et pourtant ils sont deux. See pp. With two mutually exclusive endings, contradictions abound, but may be resolved with reference to Die Sieger, the Buddhist drama about renunciation of carnal love as a precondition for the release from earthly fetters and for rejoining the God in his Nirvana.
This work was to have formed a diptych with Tristan und Isolde. Wagner never proceeded beyond a brief prose sketch39; but the work, pondered for many years, entered the mainstream of his art by way of Parsifal. Two letters to Liszt written within the space of three months indicate how Wagner hoped to extricate himself from the dilemma caused by the conflicting views.
Hatto Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, It is dated 16 May, Martin Gregor-Dellin [Munich: List, ]. Here: pp.
We must look, first of all, at the sequence of events relating to the genesis of Tristan und Isolde, in order to ascertain whether the words came before the music prima le parole e dopo la musica As it turns out, the matter is more complicated, and the answer less decisive, than one would wish it to be. The documents at our disposal indicate that Wagner began to think about writing Tristan und Isolde in late The direct impulse for that enterprise was his response to another dramatic 41 Briefwechsel zwischen Wagner und Liszt, p.
Unfortunately, this sketch has not survived. After a two-year period of gestation, Wagner decided in mid to carry out the project. The first musical sketches for Tristan, most likely based on the early outline, were made in December, However, the systematic, sequential Vertonung did not begin until after the libretto was finished. Wagner completed the full score of Act I on 3 April, , in. Zu manchem werde ich wohl auch eher die Musik als die Verse machen. In January , the score in its entirety was published, but five years elapsed before the premiere of the opera on 10 June, , at the Munich Hof- und Nationaltheater These are the ascertainable facts and the raw chronological data.
They do not offer a satisfactory answer to our question as to what came first, the text or the music. What 48 The so-called Wesendonck-Lieder, which Wagner considered to be studies for Tristan und Isolde, were composed between late November, and early May, Und vor allem steht nicht fest, wie die musikalischen Ideen, die in die dichterisch-szenische Konzeption eingriffen, beschaffen waren.
According to Dahlhaus, these Formideen were vague and yet firmly embedded in the text. This raises the question as to the exact point at which, in the genesis of the work, the embedding took place. A partial answer could, in my opinion, be arrived at on the basis of a detailed comparison between the prose sketch, which already contains a number of.
In other words, Tristan und Isolde progressively ceased to be a literary product. I do not wish to prolong the argument unduly, which was broached mainly in order to show that there is no easy solution to the problem and that, with all due respect to Wagner the musician, we do have a right to treat Tristan und Isolde as a verbal construct — a better right, at any rate, than can be claimed by those who choose to treat it as a symphonic poem.
If as a literary scholar I venture occasionally onto territory that is more essentially musical, I do so in full awareness of the pitfalls and quicksands that are in store for me. The evidence I am prepared to offer is so forthright and cumulative that it is strange, even shocking, that it has never been marshalled before. Once again Peckham, shrewd but purblind observer that he is, will serve as our whipping boy. Realizing full well that Tristan und Isolde is all about the principium individuationis, he once again completely misses the mark.
There are many ways of looking at Tristan und Isolde conceived as a poem, a symphony or a mixture of both, but also as possible models of or analogues to its underlying world view, that is, the realization that Non-Being is preferable to Being Various religious and philosophical systems advocating the dissolution of self preceded by abdication of the will and its re-absorption into a larger, depersonalized or disembodied, stream may have gone into the making of this music drama, whether directly or indirectly.
Among them are medieval. It is a noun frequently used in Tristan und Isolde. The model that the creator of Tristan und Isolde selected was provided by Indian, specifically Buddhist thought, in which he had steeped himself since It is described at length in a letter to Liszt of 7 June, , whose central for our purposes passage reads: Die Bramanen-Lehre stellt [ This sounds like a slightly foreshortened plot outline for Die Sieger, of which Tristan und Isolde is a secular mirror image, Heilige having here been replaced by Liebende.
Both men were profoundly interested in Buddhism at the time of writing their masterpieces. This mingling of the divine element with the earthly was the Fall from heaven. Logically, then, the act of creation occurs in the Prelude, that is, before the curtain rises, the dramatis personae appear and the action gets under way. Doch Nirwana wird mir schnel1 wieder Tristan. Sie kennen die buddhistische Weltentstehungstheorie.
In Act I the wind — objective correlative of the WeltAtem — is still seen as a hostile and destructive force with entirely negative connotations.
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Zeigt ihm die Beute, die ich ihm biete! The quotation comes from p. Den Winden Segel und Mast! In analyzing the process by which the world constructed in the Prelude is slowly but surely deconstructed, I shall focus on that portion of the dialogue between hero and heroine in Act II, Scene Two, in which the Ent-Ichung is thematic. Tristan: Isolde: Tristan: Isolde:. Nie erwachen! Tristans Liebe? It is hardly coincidental, for instance, that it is Isolde, rather than Tristan, who stresses the und, 62 I have omitted the stage directions.
Ich kann nicht mehr sagen, meine Liebe oder deine Liebe; beide sind sich gleich und vollkommen Eins, so viel Liebe als Gegenliebe. The strategical blueprint to be used for our subsequent analysis specifies that each stage in the unfolding process of disintegration in Tristan und Isolde be marked and justified. However, since Wagner was an artist rather than a logician, he had to take musico-esthetic factors into account and was not, or was not primarily, concerned with fashioning solid causal links within the chain I shall construct here, rearranging the order in which the steps are presented in the opera so as to lay bare the ideal sequence, or rather sequences, for there are actually two series which run parallel to each other: a short one revolving around the notion of consciousness, and a long one gauged to that of identity.
Pinpointing the stage at which consciousness vanishes, these words terminate the series, whose parts, scattered over the three acts of the opera, make up a pattern that correlates with the inner action. The second, longer, and much more intricate series focuses in its first, phenomenal phase on the way in which the names of the two 64 Leo Spitzer, A Method of Interpreting Literature, pp.
In the first stage, marked by that portion of Act I which precedes the drinking of the love potion, Tristan and Isolde are kept apart inasmuch as their names are not permitted to occur in one and the same line or without intervening text. With the sudden intrusion of external reality, no further progress toward the perfect union of the lovers is made in Act I.
At this point, then, no und is in sight, at least not in the finished libretto. O Wonne! Ich nur dein! Nur dein! Stages two to eight in our schematic presentation are all encompassed within the passage from Act II, Scene Two. We might call the second stage of the irreversible sequence possessive, that is, a condition in which the lovers, still very much themselves, seek to appropriate each other in preparation for the actual exchange of identities that is to follow.
In this case, for instance, anticipatory overlappings occur on the musical plane. The third stage, foreshadowed in the title of the opera and fully thematized in our excerpt, is that in which a perfect balance is struck, but not yet at the cost of lost identities. The und which plays so weighty a role in the central portion of the interchange is used like an anchor to show that, while it is still in place, all is well with the phenomenal world. This manoeuver is neatly executed, near the end of our key passage in the following verbal exchange: Tristan: Tristan du, ich Isolde, nicht mehr Tristan!
Isolde: Du Isolde, Tristan ich, nicht mehr Isolde! This metamorphic act has taken us to the very brink of the world of phenomena which, if Tristan is to have his way, must be thrown over for that of noumena. On the fringes, linking the physical with the metaphysical realm, lies the domain of myth, for which Wagner, throughout his career, displayed a very special affinity. Whereas mythical figures are embodiments of concrete natural or, as the case may be, abstract supernatural forces, the figures of legend, as Tristan and Isolde, are fictional counterparts of historical or pseudohistorical personages that may ultimately rise to the level of myth.
In both cases, it is the names which, firmly affixed to their bearers, offer stability and give permanence. For that reason, the loss of names, resulting in anonymity, entails the destruction of the very fabric of which myths and legends are made, a return to a chaotic sphere in which the principium individuationis has ceased to function and where individuals are, at best, reduced to qualities It would lead too far to ponder the implications of this substitution here.
Like so much else in the opera, this may seem preposterous at first glance; yet it fits perfectly into the pattern that I am here attempting to trace. Sung in unison in the last line, the phrase lifts us to a level of abstraction which transcends the world as Vorstellung or Erscheinung, except for the Ich which stubbornly resists the force of the universal will.
As the world was created by mistake or as a consequence of sin, so, according to Wagner, must it be destroyed. Symptomatically, Isolde remains attached to the world even as she is about to leave it. More specifically, in her case the desired erasure of consciousness is effected in a setting that is truly sensuous, namely through the medium of synesthesia. As a psycho-physical phenomenon, synesthesia, which denotes the fusion or confusion of the senses, entails the breakdown of the highly differentiated human sensorium and a return, quite appropriate in this context, to a more primitive form of multiple perception.
Isolde experiences this deprivation which for her is an enrichment in a state of complete euphoria. Er sinkt in Isoldens Armen langsam leblos zu Boden. Wie sie schwellen, mich umrauschen, soll ich atmen, soll ich lauschen? There will be no reconstitution of identity, no subsequent recourse to consciousness, no restoration of the sensory apparatus. Language will fail; and how long can music, of which Nietzsche maintains that it antedates the principium individuationis, survive?
If empathy has carried the day, listeners and viewers will feel deprived of the chance to follow the pair into the Schopenhauerian Nirvana. Wagner agonized over the risk he thought he was taking. Dieser Tristan wird was furchtbares! Dieser letzte Akt! Benedetto Marcello 2.
Oft 1. Caula Turin: Caula.
Von hier an zitiert als Teatro. Im Frankreich des achtzehnten Jahrhunderts galt bekanntlich die Oper als eine Unterart des Dramas, d. Was das Opernwesen bzw. Von hier an zitiert als Einstein. In: Illuministi italiani. Von hier an zitiert als Saggio. Zitiert bei Reinhard G. Zu den wahren Urhebern des dramma per musica — dem Dichter und dem Komponisten, die E.
Fabrizio: Mio signore ad Ali Ali:. Venite innanzi, signori verso la scena. Ecco i pittori ed i lavoranti. Eco qui il capo delle comparse con trentadue compagni, bella gente e pratica del teatro. Questi sono i tre portinari. Questi sono i due paggi da sostener la colla alle donne.
Ecco un bravo suggeritore, capace di suggerire le parole e la musica. Ecco due uomini per dispensare i biglietti. Ecco quei che devono assistere ai palchetti, per dare e ricuperare le chiavi. Questo sa far da orso. Mangiar impresa e impresario. Sensal maledetto. Tu voler Ali precipitar. Jahrhundert bis heute. Siehe hierzu die entsprechenden Hinweise in meinem in Anm. Loro musica perniziosa a i costumi. Riprovata ancor da gli antichi. Poesia serva della musica. Apostolo Zeno bezieht sich auf sie in einem bei Einstein Anm. Niuna cosa nella formazione di essa fu lasciata indietro, niuno ingrediente, niun mezzo, onde arrivar si potesse al proposto fine.
Januar in Pietro Metastasio, Opere, hrsg. Metastasio stand auch mit Algarotti im regen Briefwechsel. Er lobte vor allem die Wahl des exotischen Stoffes. Siehe Algarotti Anm. Die Prosa- und Verssatire als Parodie der gelehrten Abhandlung nimmt innerhalb der Geschichte der Kritik an der Oper zwar einen wichtigen, aber weniger gewichtigen Platz ein.
Wie aus Wiels Katalog Anm. The king or hero of the play generally spoke in Italian, and his slaves answered him in English; the lover frequently made his court and gained the heart of his princess in a language which she did not understand. One would have thought it very difficult to have carried on dialogue after this manner without an interpreter between the persons that conversed together, but this was the state of the English stage for about three years Jahrhunderts eine nicht unwesentliche Rolle.
Und wer kennte nicht den Schauspieldirektor? I have introduced the similes that are in all your celebrated operas: the swallow, the moth, the bee, the ship, the flower, etc. Besides, I have a prison scene, which the ladies always reckon charmingly pathetic. As to the parts, I have observed such a nice impartiality to our two ladies that it is impossible for either of them to take offense. I hope I may be forgiven that I have not made my opera throughout unnatural, like those in vogue, for I have no recitative. Excepting this, as I have consented to have neither prologue nor epilogue, it must be allowed an opera in all its forms Roberts Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Air VI.
Siehe hierzu in Metastasios Impresario delle Canarie Anm. Dorina: Dopo una scena tragica Vogliono certe stitiche persone Che stia male una tal comparazione. Senesino takes the principal male character, and his part must be heroic. The other three male parts should be arranged proportionately song for song in the three acts and entrusted to the two women. If the subject demands three women, a third woman may be employed, as there is a third singer here to take the part Siehe Goldonis Opere, hrsg. Hinzu kommt als 6. Zuerst kommt der Dichter an die Reihe. The Musical Quarterly 34 Wenn in diesem Multiversum bzw.
Mi domando il mio nome. Un tomo di commedie francesi, un dizionario, un rimario e la grammatica del Corticelli stavano tutti alla destra del signor poeta; quelli che aveva alla sinistra non ho potuto vedere ehe cosa fossero. Erfundene Stoffe tauchten nur selten. Algarotti Anm. So bedient er sich unentwegt des non sequitur als einer rhetorischen Waffe. Hugo Wolf2. Mai in Hugo Wolfs musikalische Kritiken, hg. Jahrhunderts4 —, will ich mich im folgenden befassen. Obwohl es sich bei Mignon um ein letzten Endes musikdramatisch verfehltes Werk handelt, das dem Kenner der literarischen Vorlage, d.
Es lohnte sich vielleicht, sie auszugraben. Ich betrete also operngeschichtliches Neuland. Siehe Bd. Eine kurze Zusammenfassung aus der Feder des Autors findet sich in Dissertation Abstracts International 33 , a. Diese Begeisterung war, wenn auch nicht schrankenlos, in der deutschen Kritik vorgebildet. New York , Stuttgart , f. Zu Ary Scheffer und seinen Bildern Mignon regrettant sa. Sevelings aus dem Jahre , in der Wilhelm in Alfred umgetauft wird und Mignon als Fanfan auftritt Aber erst mit Gautier fils, einem der bedeutendsten Interpreten deutscher Literatur um die Jahrhundertmitte, trat der entscheidende Vermittler auf den Plan Die Publikation der Gesamtausgabe von Meyerbeers Briefen ist leider noch nicht bis zu dem hier in Frage kommenden Zeitpunkt gelangt.
Entsprechende Angaben in H. Blaze de Burys Buch Meyerbeer et son temps, Paris Stein in einem in der Zeitschrift Comparative Literature 22 publizierten Aufsatz. Schirmer in New York erschienenen Ausgabe des Klavierauszugs. Mignon jedoch gar nichts produziert. Was die Struktur bzw. Zwar handelt es sich hierbei vordringlich um Anweisungen des Verfassers an den Regisseur, doch wendet sich der Autor auch an den Leser und, wenigstens indirekt, an den Zuschauer. Auf S. Jarno est debout sur le chariot. Mignon [Textbuch] I 7 . Zafari saisit son violon et donne le signal de la danse.
In this group, the predetermined future had to be ascertained before the aspirant-member was allowed to join it. The main Qumran texts which attest to one or another form of magic are presented here serially, without regard to the chronological date of the manuscripts, and are grouped in two general categories: literary texts with positive allusions to magical practices, and magical texts in the strict sense. AZlusions to magical practices in literaly texts We begin our inquiry by listing some allusions to these practices exorcisms and divination in literary texts that have nothing to do with magic, but which en passant allude to the activities directly condemned by the biblical.
These allusions are not overtly clear, but they form a first indication of what we can expect to find in more explicit texts. This is an Aramaic composition found in Cave 4 4Q It is closely related to the stories told in the biblical book of Daniel, yet it lacks many of the legendary elements which colour Daniel 4, while it preserves some authentic elements of the original story, such as the name of Nabonidus and the name of the oasis of Teiman in the Arabian desert, the location of the King's exile.
I, Nabonidus, was afflicted by a malignant inflammation for seven years, and was banished far from men, until I prayed to the God Most High and an exorcist forgave my sin. He was a Jew from the exiles, who said to me The text further specifies that for seven years the king prayed to all sorts of gods to no avail, and that the action of the exorcist - the forgiveness of his sins - also signified the Edited by Fitzmyer, DJD 19, pp. Since the preliminary edition by Milik , this text has been the object of many detailed studies. See Lange and Sicker, 'Gattung und Quellenwert', pp.
The key elements are, of course, the prayer of the King and the intervention of the Jew who forgives the sins and who is described in the text as a ln, a gazer. My translation of the word gazer as 'exorcist' has been questioned,'3 but in view of the connection between s i c h e s s and demons, and the fact that this gazer's function is to 'forgive the sin', and that this action results in the curing of the king, I believe that my translation is perfectly appropriate.
Unfortunately, the fragmentary state of the text does not allow us to ascertain which way the gazer acts. The following text, a few lines from another Aramaic composition found in Cave 1, the Genesis Apocyphon, provide us perhaps with a glimpse of the procedure. They should return Sarai, then, to Abram, her husband and this plague and the spirit of purulent evils will cease to afflict you. The king called me and said to me: What have you done to me with regard to Sarai?
You told me: She is my sister, when she is your wife; so that I took her for myself for a consort. Here is your wife; take her away! Depart from all the cities of Egypt! But now pray for me and for my household so that this evil spirit will be banished from us. I prayed that he might be cured and laid my hands upon his head. The plague was removed from him; the evil spirit was banished from him and he recovered. The king got up and gave me on that day many gifts..
This text has also been intensively studied, but the standard commentary remains Fitzrnyer, A Genesis Apocylton. The story, retold and embellished with many new details, is that of Gen The King of Egypt, who has taken the wife of Abraham in exchange for many goods, becomes sick and is forced to dismiss her.
The narrative of our text, intended to exculpate Abraham and to assure the reader that the Pharaoh Zoan has not touched Sarai, adds many new details to the story a dream of Abraham, which exculpates him for his lying; a first gift of many goods because Abraham reads from the books of Enoch to the Egyptians; a lengthy description of Sarai's beauty; a prayer by Abraham that Sarai be preserved from defilement; the decisive intervention of Abraham to heal the Pharaoh; and the giving of goods as a result of this intervention. In the lines preceding those just quoted, the results of the prayer Abraham makes for Sarai's preservation are expressed thus: 'That night, the God Most High sent him a chastising spirit, to afflict him and all the members of his household.
And he was unable to approach her, let alone to have sexual intercourse with her, in spite of being with her for two years. At the end of the two years, the punishments and plagues, against him and against all the members of his household, increased and intensified. And he sent for all the wise men of Egypt to be called, and all the wizards as well as all the healers of Egypt to see whether they could heal him of that disease, him and the members of his household.
However, all the healers and wizards and all the wise men were unable to rise up to heal him. For the spirit attacked all of them and they fled' 1 QapGen Here there is no doubt of the direct connection between demons the evil spirit and the sickness which afflicts the Pharaoh; the one is the origin and the other the cause. In fact, the evil spirit and the sickness are practically identified, since the prayer's expected effect is expressed by the Pharaoh who is freed ftom the spirit and by Abraham who has the Pharaoh cured of the sickness.
Equally clear is the way Abraham carries out the operation: he prays, of course, but he also lays his hands upon the Pharaoh's head. He is thus clearly presented as an exorcist in spite of the explicit interdiction in Deuteronomy. If the double elements of this text praying and laying on the. My third example of allusions to magical practices in a non-magical literary text is taken from a very fiagrnentary manuscript, of which possibly three copies have been preserved.
The first manuscript discusses the procedure one should follow when a false prophet appears, and it is clearly based on the discussions of the topic in Deut 13 and But the test imposed upon this false prophet in is not that of Deut 13 conformity with revealed teaching nor that of Deut 18 his word has no effect , but a rather complex procedure in which the prophet is brought before the High Priest.
The High Priest p e r f o m some sacrifices similar to the sacrifices for the Day of Atonement, enters afterwards into the Ark of the Testimony in order to study, and then comes out to decide on the case. The second manuscript 4Q , which is only a thin strip of leather with the remnants of three columns, apparently continues with the description of the same ritual, and shows how the decision is achieved: through the oracular use of the Urim and Thummim, the two stones engraved with the names of the sons of Israel, which were on the breastplate of the High Priest.
I1 they will provide you with light and he will go out with it with tongues of fire; the stone of the left side which is at its left side will shine to the eyes of all the assembly until the priest finishes speaking. And after it the cloud?
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And if there were in the camp the Prince of the whole congregation, and In spite of the fiagmentary state of the text, the mention of the Urirn and the following description of the working of the left-hand-side stone shining on the face of all the assembly when the priest is speaking left little doubt about the procedure followed, a procedure which bestows divine confirmation on the Priest's decision. See Milik, DJD 1, pp. Nevertheless, it seems clear that this 'oracle' of the shining stones is part of the procedure to decide of what sort the self-proclaimed prophet is, and probably also to decide on how to proceed during the eschatological battles, when the Prince of the community a clear messianic title in the Scrolls will lead the war against all the sons of darkness.
This oracular shining of the Urim and Thummim is not attested in the biblical text, of course, but we do have an interesting text by Josephus which testifies to the tradition of the shining of the stones and their use in re militari. That alone should be marvel enough for such as have not cultivated a superior wisdom to disparage all religious things; but I have yet a greater marvel to record. By means of the twelve stones, which the High-Priest wore upon his breast stitched into the essin, God foreshowed victory to those on the eve of battle.
For so brilliant a light flashed out from them, ere the army was yet in motion, that it was evident to the whole host that God had come to their aid. Ig Here Josephus emphasises the military use of the stones to predict victory. Yet his introduction to the entire narrative of the oracular flashing of the stones puts the use of the Urim and Thurnmim in direct relationship with false prophecy: However, I would here record a detail which I omitted concerning the vestments of the High-Priest.
For Moses left no possible opening for the malpractices of prophets:0 should there in fact be any capable of abusing the divine prerogative, but left to God supreme authority whether to attend the sacred rites, when it so pleased Him, or to absent himself; and this he wished to be made manifest not to Hebrews only but also to any strangers who chanced to be present Ant.
See Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, Loeb vol. Thackeray, pp. Other manuscripts read sykophant6n. We could go further in tracing allusions to magical practices in literary texts, that were reported without any indication that these practices contrary to the biblical and Enochic traditions were considered to be wrong.
But these two examples of exorcisms and the one of divination should suffice. We can now proceed by looking for more explicit texts dealing with exorcisms, healing, and protection against demons - texts that can rightly be considered as magical texts. It is a rather extensive collection of songs with a strong incantatory character, although it has been badly preserved and no song can be reconstructed completely. The songs were numbered fust, second but no other indications of the circumstances surrounding their usage have been preserved. He is the one who does 'shout with terrifying voice: 'Woe on all those who break it' i.
Characteristically, as in most compositions penned by the people of Qumran, the divine name is avoided. Not only do we not find any of the nomina barbara, but even the use of the tetragrammaton is avoided entirely; instead, 'el or 'elohim are regularly used, and in one case we. Edited by Baillet, DJD 7, pp. See further Nitzan, 'Hymns from Qumran', pp. I, and S [For the sage,] second so[ng For in the innards of my flesh is the foundation of The laws of God are in my heart, and I get profit In these songs the dualistic view of the community transpires, with the division of the human and angelic world into two conflicting camps.
But in these songs the blessing and cursing is done only by the Maskil, who engages in spiritual warfare against the forces of evil and combats them with these liturgical hymns. He is the one who proclaims the power of God, but his liturgical proclamation is clearly intended to frighten -inn5 the demons: And I, a sage, declare the splendor of his radiance in order to fighten and temfy all the spirits of the ravaging angels and bastard spirits, demons, Lilith, owls and jackals, and those who strike unexpectedly to lead astray the spirit of knowledge, to make their hearts forlorn.
And you have been placed in the era of the rule of wickedness and in the periods of humiliation of the sons of light, in the guilty periods of those defiled by iniquities; not for an everlasting destruction but rather for the era of the humiliation of sin. What this text implies, in practical terms, is that the Maskil's solemn proclamation of God's power will protect the community and its members from attacks by demons. It is not a question of expelling the demons thus there Lange, 'The Essene Position', pp.
That Belial and his host repeatedly attempt to cause the Sons of Light to stumble, is a recurring theme in the scrolls. These Songs testify to the faith in the protective force of prayer in keeping the demons away, and in the efficacy of liturgy to abort their attacks. And I belong to those who spread the fear of God; he opened my mouth with his true knowledge, and from his holy spirit[ I and they became spirits of dispute in my bodily structure.
The precept of [.. I the innards of the flesh. A spirit of knowledge and understanding, truth and justice, did God place in my heart Blank Cursed be3' [ I afflictions, and until its dominions are complete [ I those who inspire him fear, all the spirits of the bastards, and the spirit of uncleanness i Although the poor state of the text does not allow many conclusions to be drawn, it seems clear that the initial prayer is followed by a direct curse after the blank. The protagonist speaks in the first person and, in defining Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, pp.
Alexander, 'Magic and Magical Texts', p. Edited by Chazon in DJD 29, pp. The use of the word 'bastards' in the descriptions of these demons assures us that we are within the same demonological context as the Songs of the Sage, but no Maskil is present here. The practitioner directly addresses the patient and the demons.
The same situation also pertains to the collection of hymns against the demons that is attributed to David '7 with a lamed here clearly intended as a lamed auctoris, v 4 , but which also mentions Solomon, the most famous exorcist in the Jewish tradition. Erub Shebu 15b; y. Of David: Against Invoke at any time the heavens. When he comes upon you in the night, you shall say to him: Who are you, oh offspring of man and of the seed of the holy ones?
Your face is a face of delusion, and your homs are homs of illusion. You are darkness and not light, injustice and not justice YHWH will bring you down to the deepest Sheol, he will shut the two bronze gates through which no light penetrates. On you shall not shine the sun which rises upon the just man to IlQll v The song is addressed to a sick person in the second person singular who is exhorted to confront the demon and it is intended to remind the demon of God's power and of the guardian angels' strength, which can imprison him in the abyss.
The demonology is complex; we find references to demons, to the Prince of Animosity, and, in the quoted text, to the 'bastards', here described as 'offspring of man and of the seed of the holy ones'; if the reference to the horns is not metaphorically intended, we may even have here the first allusion to 'homed' demons.
Equally complex is the angelology of the song: Raphael appears as the healer, but there are also references to a 'powerful angel', and the 'chief of the army of Y H W H ' which may be Michael ; even Solomon is mentioned, although we cannot be sure about his function. We do not know who should recite the psalms, but in light of the Songs of the Sage, the Maskil might be a likely candidate:' although his name never " In the DJD edition of this text Garcia Martinez ei al.
For Solomon, see also the contribution of Sarah Johnston in this volume. Edited by Nitzan in DJD 29, pp. Neither can we be certain whether the exorcism was a public or a private affair. That the exorcists address the sick in the second person singular is clear; at least in two cases, part of a response 'Amen, Amen, Selah' has been preserved 1 1 4 11 vi 3 and 14 , although the verb is incomplete and can be reconstructed with a singular or plural ending.
Alexander prefers to reconstruct a singular form, interpreting the procedure as follows: 'The songs are recited over the sick one, who may be too weak to recite them himself, but who assents to them with the response Amen, Amen, el ah'. A noteworthy difference between this text and the Songs of the Sage is that in these Psalms the sacred name YHWH is written in full and in normal square characters.
Another noteworthy characteristic of the scroll is its small size less than 10 cm high which could point to a sort of pocket edition of the composition, in an easy-tocarry format, ready for use at the sick bed. Each of these three texts are basically learned literary compositions, with many biblical allusions and echoes of other Qumran writings. But happily, we have also recovered some fiagrnents of a manuscript which has all the appearance of coming from a practical manual, a book of spells, or collection of adjurations, fiom which, depending on the circumstances, a spell could be copied and adapted to the needs of the client.
Consequently the responsum "Amen, Amen, Selah" should be taken as the reply of the individual.
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I would, therefore, restore at col. Puech, ' I lQPsApa', p. It has nothing 'qumranic', but it was found among the manuscripts of Cave 4, and after what we have seen in the previous texts, its presence is not surprising: Col. Evil visitor And I, oh spirit, adjure I enchant you, oh spirit The most characteristic element of the incantation is the specification of the demons as male and female evil beings.
This all inclusive language appears in many magical texts of later date and is intended to prevent any loopholes. Perhaps its use was prompted here by the ambiguity of the word i n which, although technically feminine, is considered masculine in this text, as is shown by the masculine suffix used on col. If the two columns of text preserve parts of the same incantation, the fust one would have contained the description of the sickness and sicknessprovoking demons, while the conjuring formula would have been written in the second column.
The intended use of the charm is to adjure the offending spirit, and to neutralise the nefarious effects of his acts on the person. The formulae of our text are not very different from the ones used in the vast corpus of Aramaic or Mandaic incantation bowls several centuries younger, and the concerns they reflect are the same. But this exemplar found at Cave 4, proves, even more clearly than the texts already presented, that magic was really used, and not only in a prophylactic way.
The following three texts belong to the other category of magic Alexander has listed: they all deal with divination, augury and prediction of the future. Once this has been completed it takes up the greater part of the scroll in spite of the use of numbers instead of words for the days , the author explains the significance of the thunder, by its occurrence in the diverse zodiacal signs. The last preserved part of the manuscript, with the end of the Selenodromion and the beginning of the Brontologion, reads: Month of Adar: On the 1st and on the Znd, Aries.
On the 3rd and on the 4th, Taurus. On the 5th and on the 6th and on the 7th, Gemini. On the 8th, on the 9th, Cancer. On the 10th and on the I l th, Leo. On the 12th and on the 13th and on the 14th, Virgo. On the 15th and on the 16th, Libra. On the 17th, on the 18th, Scorpio. On the 22nd and on the 23rd, Capricorn. On the 24th and 25th, Aquarius. On the 26th and on the 27th and on the 28th, Pisces. On the 29th and on the 30th, Aries. Blank If it thunders in the sign of Taurus, revolutions against And for the Arabs And they will plunder each other.
Blank If it thunders in the sign of Gemini, fear and distress fi-om the foreigners and The Selenodromion is 'a table in which the days of the twelve synodic months - in each of which the new moon occurs in one of the twelve zodiacal signs - are correlated with the sign in which the moon is on that dayy. Each month, thus, begins and ends with the same zodiacal sign; each month begins always with a new zodiacal sign, and the signs rotate through the month, so that successive months begin with successive signs of the Zodiac. Once the correlation of the moon with the zodiacal signs of the whole year has been completed, the brontological interpretation begins, in which the thunder allows the prediction of future events.
Very few elements of the brontologion have been preserved when it thunders in Taurus and in Gemini and the predictions are so general that no historical context can be extracted from them. The mention of the Arabs comes as no surprise: they also appear in other brontologia preserved in reek. Surprisingly, the first zodiacal sign is Taurus, not Aries. This has been interpreted in the light of the thema mundi or According to Pingree, 'Astronomical Aspects', p. According to the editors, the Selenodromion would have covered 8 columns of 9 lines on the briginal manuscript. Wise, 'Thunder in Gemini', p.
If both parts are read together, they do not predict what will happen when it thunders in a given zodiacal sign, but what will happen when it thunders at the moment the moon is in one of these zodiacal signs. Since these days are scattered throughout the year, the purpose of the fust part of the text is to allow the practitioner to find out when these days occur. Once this has been ascertained, the second part allows him to predict what will happen. In spite of its title lQHoroscope , the second text " is really a physiognomy, in which the characteristics of a person, the character of his spirit, are deducted from his physical looks and linked with astrology.
The text is rather curious and intriguing, but it supplies one of the keys to understand the background of 'magic' within the Qumran community. Although the language of the text is Hebrew, the text was written with a mix of square Aramaic script, palaeo-Hebrew characters, some Greek letters and the script we know as 'cryptic' from other Qumran manuscripts.
Besides, it was written not from right to left, but from left to right. These peculiar characteristics show that the contents of the text were not intended for everybody, and that uttermost care was taken to keep them accessible only to a very few experts. In the best physiognomical tradition,6' the purpose of our text is to find out more about the character of a person with the help of his physical marks, such as the colour of the eyes or the form of the teeth; its author has coupled these characteristics with the zodiacal sign under which the person was born.
This combination of physiognomy and astrology will enable the determination of the parts of light and of darkness that the spirit of the person in question really has. I1 And his thighs are long and slender, and his toes are slender and long. And he is in the second column.
His spirit has six parts in the house "Wise, 'Thunder in Gemini', pp. See Albani, 'Der Zodiakos', pp. Among the recent studies of this text, cf.
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Schmidt, 'Astronomie juive ancienne', who concentrates on its astronomical aspects; and Alexander, 'Physiognomy', who analyses its physiognomic elements in the context of the ideology of Qumran. And this is the sign in which he was bom: the period of Taurus. He will be poor. And his animal is the bull. His thighs are stumpy and each covered with hair, and his toes are stumpy and short.
His spirit has eight parts in the house of darkness and one in the house of light. I on their order. His eyes are of a color between black and stripped. His beard is The sound of his voice is simple. His teeth are sharp and regular. He is neither tall not short, and like that from his conception. His fingers are slender and long. His thighs are smooth and the soles of his feet are His spirit has eight parts in the house of light, in the second column,6' and one in the house of darkness. And the sign in which he was born is His animal is While many of the physiognomical texts of Antiquity concentrate on a specific part of the body chiromancy, metoposcopy, phrenology, etc.
The character of the spirit of the person in question his mi , determined in this way b y the practitioner, is measured on a nine-point scale, according to how many parts of light or darkness the spirit possesses. Why there are nine points, is not explained; but one of the clear advantages of this scale is that nobody can have an equal share of light and darkness. Against the background of the dualistic and deterministic world-view of Qumran, as reflected in the Tractate of the Two Spirits of 1QS iii 13 - iv 2, and of the importance of the casting of lots at the moment of enrolling in the Community as a new member 1QS vi , it is easy to understand this need for specifylug the measure of light and darkness in each person.
Yet it could also have played a role in determining the rank of each member of the community. For Schmidt 'Astronomie juive ancienne', pp. In 1QS v we can read: 'And they shall be recorded in order, one before the other, according to one's insight and one's deeds, in such a way that each obeys another, junior to the senior. And their spirit and their deeds must be tested, year after year, in order to upgrade each one to the extent of his insight and the perfection of his path, or demote him according to his.
Next to providing this physiognomical determination of the nature of a person's spirit, our text also allots to each person a particular animal and a zodiacal sign probably the birth sign. This link with the Zodiac makes it likely that only twelve human types were described. Since, in the preserved text, animal and sign bull and Taurus are identical, one may wonder what animals were listed alongside the zodiacal signs that do not represent an animal, in the parts of the text that were lost.
Unfortunately, we do not know whether a person's characteristics were thought to be the result of the zodiacal sign under which he was born,63or whether his physiognomy was used for determining his birth sign. What seems clear is that all means available were used in examining the qualities of the incumbent members of the group and in determining their rank in the community. The last of our texts can be dealt with very briefly, by simply noting in what ways it differs ftom the previous one, to which it is closely related.
The text is straightforward, and the preserved elements simply describe the future character of the person on the basis of his physical characteristics. His eyes will be between pale and dark. His nose will be long and handsome. And his teeth will be well aligned. And his beard will be thin, but not extremely. His limbs will be smooth His nails will be And his height This text has not yet been published in the DJD Series. Yet this would lead us away from our main topic. Conclusion Our survey clearly shows that, within the Qumran community, the blanket condemnation of magic in the Old Testament and in the Enochic tradition, although theoretically sustained and even intensified, had already evolved into a practice in which at least two types of magic, exorcism and divination, were not only tolerated but actively used.
The Dead Sea Scrolls thus bear witness to the process of change in the approach to magic in the Jewish world long before the Christian era, and they show that this change has taken place within a very learned and secluded society. But our s w e y has shown something more, and perhaps more interesting, namely the reasons why these two types of magic found in the Dead Sea Scrolls, exorcism and divination, were put to practice within this learned and biblically based community. In a dualistic world-view in which one of the basic tenets was the division of the angelic world and the individual person into two opposing camps of light and darkness, and in which these two opposing forces were locked in a perennial combat, the use of apotropaic prayers, incantations and exorcisms was necessary in order to erect a barrier to protect the Sons of Light against the assaults of all the forces of darkness; it was equally necessary in expelling evil forces that broke through the barrier and got hold of some community member.
In a deterministic world-view in which a person's future has been fixed from eternity and the parts of light and darkness allotted to each man have been determined fiom creation, divination is an indispensable tool for unravelling that predetermined future. This peculiar deterministic and dualistic worldview reflected in the magical texts of our survey allow us to understand why, in spite of biblical prohibitions, magic was not only tolerated but actively practised by the Qumran community.
A scholar must also have infinite time at his or her disposal, for the territory that the Testament inhabits is not only geographically vast, but also temporally so: it stretches backwards into much older Jewish lore and the traditions represented in the Graeco-Egyptian magical papyri, and then stretches forward into the Arabian Nights, medieval folklore, Renaissance grimoires and even modem novels and films. Lacking both a magical ring and S i t e time, I have chosen to provide a brief survey of our knowledge about the Testament, its background and its dissemination and, following that, to discuss the relevance of two of its most distinctive features for the study of the history of magic: the use of demons for the benefit of humanity and the imprisonment of demons in sealed containers.
It is my hope that this small taste of what the Testament has to offer will stimulate other scholars to undertake further, more detailed work. I thank the organisers of the conference for inviting me to deliver the paper on which this was based and many of the audience members for their comments. In addition, I am grateful to Gideon Bohak and Dick Davis for their help with some of the comparative materials I used, and particularly to Jan Bremrner for his many suggestions as I completed the essay. Description of the document The Testament of Solomon is a document written in Koine Greek, purporting to be the testament diathskg of King Solomon and narrated in the fust person.
Later tradition picks up on Solomon's final words and explains that we must be prepared to cope with the demons whom Solomon once had captured because they subsequently were freed by the Babylonians or 'Chaldeans' as the text variously calls them , who had been ordered by King Nebuchadnezzar to destroy the Temple, under which the demons' bottles had been buried. The Babylonians, thinking that the bottles contained gold, opened them.
Solomon tells us in the opening statement that, during the time when the Temple was being built, his favorite workman was attacked each night by a vampire-like creature who sucked out his energy through his thumb; the demon also stole half of the worlanan's provisions and wages TSol, 1. Solomon asked God for help, and via the angel Michael, God delivered a magical ring to Solomon.
This ring, upon which was engraved the famous 'Seal of Solomon', could be used to control With a little help from the and bind all the demons of the world TSol, 1. The story appears most fully in an eighteenth-century manuscript from a Greek monastery in Jerusalem, which McCown includes in his edition; Bonner, 'The Sibyl' pp. The tradition is already alluded to at TSol, 5. On instructions for making rings to be used in exorcisms of demons, see Cyranides 1.
Lucian, Navigium mentions magical rings that are able to do all sorts of things; cf. The magical papyn include recipes for making magical rings, e. Solomon's ring is first mentioned at Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae, 8. Beelzeboul was compelled to call up all the other demons, one by one, so that Solomon might learn from each of them what his or her name was, how each of them persecuted mortals, and how each could be controlled TSol, 3.
At the end of the Testament, Solomon relates how, seduced by the beauty of a foreign woman, he agreed to sacrifice grasshoppers to the gods Raphan and Moloch and thus fell out of God's grace, losing his power over the demons TSol, He ends his Testament by exhorting other people to use the information that he has passed on to them to protect themselves against demons as best they can, and to resist temptations to leave their faith better than he had TSol, Date and place of composition; orientation of composer The most recent scholar to study the Testament extensively, Denis Duling, favors dating the text between the first and third centuries AD; previous scholars had suggested dates between the fust and thirteenth centuries AD with proposals clustering in the first five centuries of the Common Era.
Most scholars accept that some of the traditions underlying the Testament, most importantly the tradition that Solomon could exorcise demons, go back at least as far as the fust century B C. Further on Solomon's ring within a broader cultural context, Preisendanz, 'Salomo', pp. Simple adaptation of the Latin word, literalism, or the use of an equivalent which might have secular or Germanic-religious overtones are all problematic in their own ways. To cite a single example, to render dominus , lord , as applied to the prince of peace with the Old High German word truhtin , war- lord could not but invite confusion.
The earliest German is in the form of individual words found in the legal codes of the Germanic tribes which Charlemagne intended to harmonise with codified Roman law , preserved in Latin between the sixth and the eighth centuries. The Lex Salica, the laws of the Salian Franks, first written down under the Merovingians, contains legal terms in German signalled by the addition of the word malb. The words are archaic, and a later Old High German translation updated the terminology.
A glossed text is one in which words have been added either by way of explanation or to translate individual Latin words into German. Sometimes only a few words have been glossed, at others all or nearly all, to provide a word-for-word version which is not, however, a translation. Sometimes, finally, a manuscript with interlinear or other glosses has been re-copied and the glosses incorporated into the body of the text.
The aim is always to help the German-speaker to understand, but a German vocabulary is also being developed. Biblical texts were glossed; a group from the Reichenau include the Psalms and Luke s Gospel, and there are Alemannic, Rhenish and Low Franconian interlinear glosses of the Psalter and of Old Testament canticles.
The translation of a decree passed in known as the Trierer Capitulare St X L , made in the early tenth century, is also a complete interlinear gloss, although it contains interesting legal terminology concerned with wills and gifts. Reference works as such were also glossed. The Latin words have all been been translated into German, apparently not always with full awareness of the context.
Close to glossaries of this kind, too, is the phrase book, of which we have two different examples in Old High German. The first, in a manuscript now in Kassel but written by a Bavarian, belongs to the Hermeneumata tradition, but contains also some phrases and indeed what appears to be a proverbial comment about the cunning of the Bavarians as opposed to the guilelessness of the Italians. Of greater interest is a later work called from its current provenance , the Paris conversation-book, which preserves what looks like a dialogue.
The German comes first, with Latin following and for once not the primary language, even though it is the medium for comprehension. Place-names in the manuscript suggest that these are the notes of someone one of Lupus s exchange students? Early German functional writing II language. Most are again strictly practical and include the Creed and the Lord s Prayer, confessions and baptismal vows the last two categories being especially well-represented , and even a priest s vow St. Several of the professions of faith include renunciations of the devil and sometimes of Germanic gods.
The early Franconian prayer St. Slightly later is the Klosterneuburg prayer St. Of greater literary importance is the Wessobrunn prayer St. The German is on a free leaf following a section on the measurement of time, and although written clearly, it is not without problems. The original provenance of the work is unknown; the use of a runic symbol and an abbreviation for and is unusual, as are some individual words, causing problems with the predominantly Bavarian dialect; there are some gaps, and it is unclear whether the prayer is divided into a verse and a prose portion, or is all in verse; the meaning of the Latin title De poeta has been disputed, while the Latin passage following the German in the same hand has largely been ignored.
De poeta probably means of the Creator , and the German text first describes in nine alliterative long-lines the primeval nothingness, when there was only the presence of God. These lines can be arranged as verse, although not entirely satisfactorily, and may really be rhetorical prose in balanced periods, for which parallels appear later. The Latin lines which follow the German after a one-line gap are a stronger demand for repentance.
This is not a creation-poem but a prayer, perhaps for private meditation. The request in the second part for right belief matches that in the briefer Franconian prayer, which also has incidental alliteration at that point. The structure is close to the liturgical collect on the one hand and to the so-called charms on the other, in both of which we find, typically, a title, a narrative portion, and then a request, followed by a Latin conclusion.
It is appropriate, however, to follow the Wessobrunn prayer with the brief but both literary and functional texts usually designated Zauberspruche St. What literary histories have termed charms or blessings without necessarily differentiating clearly are all, in their surviving forms, a specific type of supplicatory prayer found in Old High and Low German and in Latin and most vernaculars , in prose and verse alliterative or end-rhymed , which occasionally preserve in a Christian context a very few pre-Christian elements.
They are in the first instance, then, therapeutic rather than prophylactic. Prayers, too, can also petition God for help with existing situations, and both are similar in aim to the medical recipe, which uses physical ingredients to cure something that has already happened. Spoken aloud, those would far outweigh the Old High German, and would impose upon any original sense of magic the submission to the will of God.
The Merseburg charms St. L X I I do preserve what is clearly older material. Early German functional writing 13 page of a manuscript containing liturgical material including a fragment in German of a prayer spoken at the elevation of the host, St. The first describes in three long-lines how some prisoners were released by idisi , valkyries, and then in a concluding line commands that someone should escape from bonds. The second, structurally more complex poem describes how Wodan and Phol who is unidentified were riding in a wood when the latter s horse sprained a foot. The verses are followed by a Latin prose prayer which asks for God s help for an individual whose name can be added.
This prayer is integral to the whole and makes acceptable the earlier material. There are no headings, but although the first charm is often described as being for the release of prisoners it is more likely an allegory for paralysis or cramp. Similarly, although the second piece refers to a horse, it might apply to any sprain, and certainly the accompanying prayer refers to people.
The narrative element is found in a completely Christian form later, the riders being Christ, St Peter or St Stephen, and further charms are based upon originally Christian narratives such as the piercing of Christ s side by Longinus, invoked frequently against bleeding. An Old High German epilepsy prayer may also preserve the name of another Germanic god, but here in particular the pre-Christian element is reduced to little more than an opening abracadabra-word. Some of these pieces are concerned with animals, particularly horses, but the majority have to do with minor medical conditions amongst humans.
One late prayer from Zurich Wilhelm x x v i , finally, has a Latin superscript announcing its theme as chastity. In the German part, the example of the Virgin Mary is followed by a request for chasteness, and there is a concluding amen , let it be. But a final comment has a curiously medical ring: Diz gebet ist uilgot tagilich gelesin this prayer is very effective if read once daily.
It was translated into German at Fulda, probably under the auspices of Hrabanus early in the ninth century, and the principal copy, now in St Gallen made by six different scribes with differing dialects. The manuscript has the German and the Latin in parallel columns, and the German text does not always match the Latin, nor indeed is that Latin version the same as other western European versions. The Isidoregroup includes also parts of a sermon called De vocatione gentium, of another sermon by Augustine, of an unidentified work, and of Matthew s Gospel.
In the Paris manuscript the left-hand page has the Latin text of Isidore s tract, the right the German, though the latter was not completed, and after a few blank pages the Latin fills both sides. The translator seems actively to have avoided Latin constructions such as participial forms and tries consistently to make clear who is presenting the argument at any point. There is also a clear and consistent orthographic system. In the fragments from Monsee, the translation of the Gospel is not as free, perhaps due to the desire to keep to the sacred language once again, although it is not as literal as the Tatian version.
These translations again indicate the potential of High German at an early stage. Religious poetry: Heliand, Otfrid and later pieces 15 long-lines divided into just over seventy cantos. The work seems to show the influence of Fulda; the narrative is based on the Tatian Gospelharmony, and the poet may have used a commentary on Matthew by Hrabanus himself, written around The work presents and explains the many miracles uundarlicas filo , 36b of Christ. The epic elements strike the reader, but the interpretative parts are also important.
The exegesis is a familiar one, going back to Gregory the Great, and Otfrid himself uses it too. The effect of the whole work, though, is to stress the power of God over the attacks of the enemy, and the conclusion to the raising of Lazarus X L I X epitomises this: as Lazarus was healed, so may the mikile maht godes God s mighty power preserve any man uuid fiundo nid against the envy of the enemy. Of course the Heliand Germanises to an extent; it employs a Germanic poetic form, and hence in its build-up of formulaic phrases, with echoes of secular heroic poetry, it can sometimes look like more an heroic epic than is justified.
But Christ does not become a Germanic warrior, nor is there really evidence of supposed Germanic delights in battle. In the struggle between Malchus and Peter, for example, which is sometimes seen as evidence for such interest, the implications of the story are spelt out very clearly indeed. Part of an Anglo-Saxon poem on Genesis now called Genesis B proved to be a translation of an Old Saxon original, of which fragments have survived. The Genesis is close to the Heliand in form, and the treatment of the two poles of man s salvation, the fall and the redemption, is understandable. Surviving fragments present the fall, Cain, and Sodom and Gomorrah, using formulas that again echo heroic poetry.
Otfrid conceived the work as it appears in the principal manuscript, now in Vienna, and in simplest terms it is a German poem of over seven thousand long-lines, narrating and expounding material from the Gospels though not based, like the Heliand, on a harmony. The German poetry is at the centre, arranged in couplets of long-lines, rhyming at caesura and cadence, and with the second line indented, the work is divided into five books, the books into chapters, and there are introductory and concluding chapters in each.
But the chapters have Latin titles in red , and tables of these titles are prefaced to each book. A German dedicatory poem to Lewis the German opens the work, and a prose letter in Latin to Liutbert, archbishop of Mainz and Otfrid s ecclesiastical superior, comes next. These poems have Latin titles which are spelt out as acrostics and telestichs by the first and last letters of the German strophes.
That the title is also spelt out by the last letters of the third half-line is not always clear in modern editions, however. The capital letters that begin each strophe are red, and they vary in size Otfrid used this as a further structuring element and there are also Latin marginal indications which tend to become submerged in the apparatus to modern editions in red, pointing to biblical passages. The Vienna manuscript has three coloured illustrations the entry into Jerusalem, last supper, crucifixion , and the cover has an image of a labyrinth.
But another copy was made without the dedicatory poems at the Bavarian monastery of Freising and the dialect is Bavarian, rather than Otfrid s South Rhenish Franconian. There are several distinct differences from the Heliand, and it has been argued both that Otfrid used, and that he deliberately avoided similarities with that work. Both works present Gospel material in the vernacular, of course, and both mix narrative and interpretation, but the form is different, archaic alliterative line against rhymed long-line couplets, as is the artistic complexity of Otfrid s work.
Religious poetry: Heliand, Otfrid and later pieces 17 WeiEenburg he became magister scholiae , played a major role in the building up of the now dispersed library, and may have been involved with glossing. His name is on a WeiEenburg document dated , and he probably died in about , although there is no record of his death.
The dedications indicate that the Evangelienbuch was completed between , when Liutbert became archbishop, and , when Salomo of Constance died. In the letter to Liutbert Otfrid gives a number of reasons for writing the poem. One is to counter German secular songs cantus obscenus , but he refers also to the encouragement of friends, and to the inspiration of Latin Christian writers. This invites us to make comparisons, and of those Otfrid names, Juvencus fourth century produced a largely narrative Gospel poem in four books rather than five , while Arator fifth century combined commentary and narrative in his metrical version of the Acts of the Apostles.
Otfrid s five books represent, he tells us, our five imperfect senses to be countered by the four Gospels, and contain 28, 24, 26, 37 and 25 chapters respectively, few having more than a hundred long-lines. Book , chapter 20 on the man born blind in John ix, 1 has nearly two hundred plus an additional chapter offering a spiritual interpretation , and one v, 23 , contrasting heaven and earth, has nearly three hundred.
The books deal with the prophecies about and nativity of Christ 1 , the ministry, teaching and miracles 11 and in , the passion iv and the resurrection, ascension and last judgement v. It remains unclear whether Otfrid is selecting Gospel passages from memory, or using either a lectionary or a Vulgate marked with pericopes for reading. His technique, however, is to integrate narrative augmented according to the literal sense with interpretation, and this integration can be subtle.
The contrast betweeen the misery of the world and the delights of paradise is a repeated motif. There are in the Evangelienbuch striking lyrical passages and refrains, but the meat of the work is in passages like these, or the chapters dealing with the wedding feast at Cana 11, , where a spiritual interpretation is followed by a consideration of why Christ turned water into wine rather than creating it from nothing. So, too, the story of the man born blind in, is again seen as referring to sinful humanity, and the relevant chapter is in the form of a prayer ending with an amen that man s inner eyes might be opened.
Otfrid shares with other Old High German poets a vivid image of the day of judgement, and stresses the impossibility of escape from a justice which is no respecter of persons in his apocalyptic description in v, 19, where a refrain underlines the good fortune of anyone who can face that doom with equanimity.
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Further chapters continue the theme down to the longest and most complex chapter of all v, 23 , contrasting heaven and earth, and containing prayers for mercy, just before the conclusion of the whole work. To refer to the Evangelienbuch as a biblical epic is misleading, as it places too great an emphasis on the narrative aspects. It is a teaching work for use with the Vulgate, and the marginal indicators refer the reader to given verses.
Religious poetry: Heliand, Otfrid and later pieces 19 preacher, however, and the interpretations are frequently homiletic. The work is intended presumably both for a listening audience, as reinforced by the frequent interpolated comments referring backwards and forwards in the text as I have said and as a reading or study text, as when Otfrid tells the audience Lis selbo, theih thir redion Go and read for yourself what I am telling you , 11, 9, The Evangelienbuch is polyfunctional, narrating, teaching and commentating, and the stylistic tension between his use of voices - ih and uuir T and you - is that between the teacher and the preacher.
Otfrid s work is the first major German text to use rhymed verse, and he was aware of the novelty. His rhymes are sometimes on unstressed final vowels, or are assonantic, though only two lines are unrhymed. The origin of rhyme in German has occasioned much debate, and possible influences include the colometric style found in the Vulgate Psalter as well as in Latin prose, where recurring sequences cola can demonstrate omoioteleuton , the word Otfrid uses for end-rhyme.
He clearly knew formal works on grammar and metre and he plays on metrical terms. The Latin rhythmi known as Ambrosian hymns developed rhymed short lines especially in England and Ireland, possibly influenced by native Irish verse , while the Leonine hexameter is a longer rhymed Latin form. In one major respect, Otfrid is a revolutionary: in his choice of German.
This cannot be overstated, and he justifies it in the first chapter of the first book, headed in Latin why the writer wrote this book in German. Although he is less apologetic about the barbaric nature of German by which he means that it is unlike Latin in orthography and grammar here than in his letter to Liutbert, there is a nationalistic note in both. To Liutbert he complains that the Franks use the languages of other peoples. In 1,1 he stresses that the Franks are just as good as the Romans and Greeks, and should not be inhibited from writing God s praise in their own language.
Otfrid s desire to replace secular vernacular poetry may be in line with the cultural policy of Charlemagne s successors, but there are echoes of the nationalism implicit in the translatio imperii. The Conclusio voluminis totius The conclusion of the whole volume, v, 25 picks up the idea, calling for the eternal singing of God s praises by all men and angels, placing the Franks into a scheme that is not only world-wide, but eternal.
Composed perhaps at the Reichenau and written down in the tenth century, it breaks off at the end of a manuscript page. There is a homely feel about the dialogue, and the Samaritana exclaims uuizze Christ , Christ knows on one occasion. It ends at John iv, 20, leaving us the question of why this somewhat unpretentious fragment was written, although the pericope one of the readings for Lent , was adapted separately later in the Middle Ages in English. The purpose may have been to stress that those who are not Jews can believe in Christ. At the end of the Freising manuscript of the Evangelienbuch, following an indication in Latin that the copy was done at the behest of Bishop Waldo by the unworthy scribe Sigihard, comes Sigihard s prayer St.
Another Rhenish Franconian rhymed prayer, probably made in the late ninth century, renders into four lines of German verse the Latin prose collect Deus qui proprium. O God, whose nature. One, in a Trier manuscript in an eleventh-century hand uses the crude code sometimes found in glosses St. L X X X , and another, from a different monastery in Trier and written rather earlier, has two longlines adapted from Gregory the Great St. The rhymed Zurich house-blessing St. L X X V is the bluntest attempt to keep away devils, however, challenging any demon to pronounce the word chnospinci.
Specific rhymed prayers ask that bees might not swarm elsewhere, or that valuable dogs might not run away St. Religious poetry: Heliand, Otfrid and later pieces 21 aid in gaining the kingdom of heaven, is a hymn rather than a prayer. That St Peter, as keeper of the gate of heaven, can intercede for the sinner is familiar enough, and is echoed closely in a Latin hymn, albeit not a rhymed or rhythmic one. The real interest of the work lies in the implicit sense of community: God is unsar trohtin , our Lord , and the prayer concludes pittemes.
The hymnic feel is unmistakable, and the text is provided in the manuscript with musical notation. The work is less easy to associate with the dedication of a specific church than with St Peter s See in Rome, something voiced long ago by Hoffmann von Fallersleben, who noted in a description of the coronation there of Henry IV in a reference to the singing by the clergy of the parallel Latin hymn, and by the laity of a German song to St Peter with the kyrie. It is more difficult to categorise another work, again almost certainly composed under the influence of the Freising Otfrid.
The final long-line of this group is repeated in the same way to begin a concluding six lines. The first part follows the Vulgate fairly closely and concludes with an idea that comes later in the Psalm, that of shunning those who do murder. The section concludes, however, with an idea from the first part of the Vulgate text: the impossibility of escaping from God. This becomes the theme of the six-line concluding prayer for God to preserve the speaker.
This time the precise year of composition is known, but the work raises an odd question: why is it in German at all? The poem was written down in France by a French scribe, from the look of his errors , probably in the monastery of St Amand, near Valenciennes. Next to it in the otherwise Latin manuscript is an Old French hagiographic poem in the same hand.
Lewis came to the throne in his teens in , and shared the West Frank territories at the Agreement of Amiens in with his brother, Carloman. Lewis III was faced with various real problems: he needed to establish his throne, and his accession coincided with a series of attacks on northern France by the Vikings. From contemporary chronicles we know that Lewis and Carloman together defeated a would-be usurper, Boso, Duke of Provence, after which Lewis rode north and defeated a Viking force at Saucourt in Picardy in August , a victory that was bound to be the subject of immediate acclaim, but was of limited significance, since Lewis died almost exactly a year later.
In his dedicatory poem to Lewis the German, Otfrid, too, made references to God s aid in victory, to the loyal followers, to the king s ability to withstand suffering, his service of God, and to the hope of long life, all of which are echoed here. The Ludwigslied is consistently theocentric in its approach, however. The Vikings are sent by God for two reasons: to test the young king whose premature loss of a father, we are told, has been compensated for by his adoption by God ; and to punish the Franks for their sins.
The Vikings themselves are not characterised at all, because they are simply instruments, and there is none of the vivid presentation of these feared invaders found in some of the annals. The notion of a divine scourge goes back to the Old Testament and continues well beyond the ninth century; Alcuin wrote to Ethelred of Northumbria interpreting the Viking raids on Lindisfarne in June, as a punishment against fornication, avarice, robbery , precisely the sins mentioned here.
God commands Lewis we are told simply that he was away, not where he was to avenge my people, a significant formulation, and Lewis rallies his troops, joins battle and is victorious. Religious poetry: Heliand, Otfrid and later pieces 23 special knowledge. Lewis is not told that victory will be his, and in an address to his troops not unlike those found in Germanic heroic poetry points out that men s lives are in God s hands. They ride into battle after singing the kyrie , submissive to God s mercy, then, rather than confident of victory or of heaven. A somewhat repetitious amount of critical attention has been paid to the historical context of the poem, rather than its approach to history.
Certainly it may be seen as propaganda for a young king under threat, and his birthright is underscored, but to seek specific connections with events outside the poem is of dubious relevance. Why, however, is the poem in German and not in Old French or Latin? St Amand, where the poem was probably written, had a celebrated school, attracting men from abroad, including probably this Rhenish poet.
The poem may have been intended for German speakers amongst the West Franks, but the interesting suggestion has been made that it was designed as propaganda on a broader scale. The king s German counterpart, Lewis the Younger, died in January , leaving no absolutely clear successor. Perhaps the poem was intended to make a case to a lay nobility in Germany for the West Frank king as overall ruler?
While there was an extensive tradition of Latin hagiography in prose and verse by German writers such as Walahfrid, we know of only two saints lives in German, one of which survives only in a later adaptation, so that Ratpert s life of St Gall must be considered under Ottonian Latin. The poem was added to the Heidelberg Otfrid-manuscript by a scribe called Wisolf, who seems to have given up in mid-narrative though he still had space available with the word nequeo , I can t manage.
The text is garbled, the orthography eccentric looking occasionally like dyslexia , and there are copy errors. A Latin Vita like one in St Gallen may be the source, and the dragon-slaying episode, incidentally, was not associated with the saint until far later. Galerius of Dacia who may have had the real St George killed and who appears here as Dacianus tries to kill him in the poem, but whenever he tries to do so, we are told in a repeated line that George rose up again. This is the alliterative poem known as Muspilli St. Although the basis is the alliterative long-line, there are also rhymes.
The work has three themes: first, the battle between the forces of heaven and hell for the individual soul after death, with the implications for the afterlife of misdeeds on earth; then doomsday itself, brought about by victory of Antichrist over Elijah and the spilling of Elijah s blood, with the inescapability of the judgement stressed, and also that things will go badly for anyone who has not judged honestly; and the summoning of the quick and the dead, when Christ will appear in majesty.
At this point the poem breaks off. The theme of the work as we have it is judgement after death, of the individual soul and of the world, and the message is clear enough: right behaviour is needed during man s earthly life. Whether Muspilli came before or after Otfrid s Gospel-book is hard to determine, and the fact that both share an alliterative line describing paradise dar ist lip ano tod lioht ano finstri there is life without death, light without darkness , need imply no more than that both writers drew on a tradition which is well attested in Latin too.
There is no evidence that either poet knew the other s work, but both had a clear idea of doomsday, and we shall encounter again homiletic poems on the same theme. The Germanic hero: the Hildebrandslied and Waltharius The Germanic hero: the Hildebrandslied and Waltharius The secular songs to which Otfrid objected doubtless included heroic poems, of which only one early German example survives. But it is less than useful to try to discuss in detail what we do not have, and our sole written example is a poem of sixty-nine lines in a mixture of High and Low German, preserved, though we have no idea why, in a theological document.
The work is important because it is unique, but in spite of problems it is still clearly of literary value. A description early in the work of the two central figures putting on their armour can be matched phrase-for-phrase in Anglo-Saxon, and other formulas are repeated within the work. Nevertheless, our manuscript is a late copy there are mistakes in it that can only have come from a written source and it is impossible to guess how many written stages preceded it.
Preserved on the front and back pages of a manuscript, it is incomplete, though only a few lines seem to be missing. Its language, though, is impossible; an attempt has been made to render a work written in the Bavarian dialect the alliteration only works in High German into Low German, but with such lack of success that false forms appear.
This version was copied using some Anglo-Saxon characters probably early in the ninth century at Fulda, but when the poem was composed can only be guessed at. The poem deals with a battle between a father and a son set within a distorted but recognisable context, namely the east-west division of the Ostrogoths and Visigoths. From what is now south-west Russia, the Visigoths moved in the fifth century westwards to Rome and then to Burgundy and Spain, while the Ostrogoths remained in the east.
The Ostrogoths under Theoderic known in German as Dietrich took Rome in from Odoacer, but the poem and later German writings assume that Odoacer had driven Theoderic out of his rightful kingdom, after which he spent time as an exile at the court of Attila Theoderic s father had been an ally of the Huns , returning to regain his lands. In our poem, Hildebrand is one of Theoderic s men, who had fled with him into exile, and, having returned, has to face in single combat the son he left behind.
The story might well have passed thence to Bavaria, and then northwards. Two champions are picked to fight in single combat before their respective forces, and we are told at the outset that they are father and son. Repetition of their names and patronymics underscores a relationship of which the father becomes aware, though the son never believes it. Much of the work is in dialogue. Hildebrand was a brave warrior, but Hadubrand supposes, since he was always in the forefront of battle, that he must be dead.
Old men, who are now dead and cannot bear witness, have told him so. There is no question of actual recognition, and the leaving of a bride means that this is an only son. When Hildebrand now states that he is the closest of relatives, the son understands, but does not believe him. Hildebrand, furthermore, makes a mistake when he offers the son a conciliatory gift, a gold arm-ring that the narrator tells us came from Attila.
To us, the ring identifies Hildebrand as a great and therefore well-rewarded warrior, albeit with some connection with the Huns. To Hadubrand, the ring identifies Hildebrand as a Hun. He has no reason to believe this man, and his supposition that Hildebrand is dead becomes definite when he tells us that he has heard from sailors also unavailable witnesses that his father was killed in battle.
The arm-ring also reintroduces the idea of inheritance. Hadubrand has clearly inherited from his father the abilities of a great warrior, but if this gold is to be his inheritance he can gain it only by earning it, that is, by defeating and killing his father. At this point there seems to be some textual corruption, but if we accept a small amount of editing, the son now denies that his adversary was ever the exile he claims to be.
Hildebrand himself realises at this point that battle is inevitable, that wewurt skihit cruel fate will take its course.
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We do not have the ending, but the battle is brief, and it does not seem as if much is missing. The Germanic hero: the Hildebrandslied and Waltharius the tragedy is that Hildebrand destroys his own posterity. And yet the true inheritance of Hildebrand is the song itself; he could neither cheat fate nor prove his own identity, but the song preserves his fame. The only comparable long work in our period written by a German is a Latin poem of over 1, Vergilian hexameters with a large number of actual quotations from Vergil.
The superficial Christianity of the Hildebrandslied, however, is much strengthened here. There is no agreement on when, where or by whom the work was written. It has been placed in the Carolingian period and in the eleventh century, and even its ascription to Ekkehard I of St Gallen in the early tenth century is now considered unsafe.
In some of the manuscripts there is a prologue by a monk who names himself as Geraldus, but since nothing is known about him, this is unhelpful. Waltharius was composed by a young monk he tells us so in an epilogue whose native language, German, is clear from his word-plays, but who might have been writing any time between the early ninth and the end of the tenth century.
Waltharius is a prince of Aquitaine, taken as hostage and brought up by Attila, together with Hiltgund, princess of the Burgundians, and Hagano, a noble youth given as hostage by the Franks in place of their prince, Guntharius. Attila did, of course, rule the Huns, and Waltharius may be identified with a fifth-century Visigoth from Toulouse. The historical Gundahari was a Burgundian, but his seat at Worms had become Frankish by the time of the poem, so that he has become a Frank, while a fictitious princess represents Burgundy.
Tribute is also paid, and the hostages are brought up at the court of Attila. When Guntharius grows up, however, he revokes the tribute, causing Hagano to flee. Attila tries to marry Waltharius to a Hun princess ensuring political stability , but Waltharius plans an escape with Hiltgund, whom he loves. They arrange for Attila and his warriors to get drunk at a feast, escape with a great amount of treasure, and Attila, waking with a hangover, can persuade no one to pursue them.